The War on Terrorism

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Chapter Five
The War on Terrorism

Less than one month after the September 11 attacks, the United States and its allies officially began their war on terrorism by initiating a bombing campaign in Afghanistan. Unofficially, however, the war had begun almost immediately. In the hours, days, and weeks after the first plane hit the World Trade Center, the United States military had begun patrolling American skies. National Guardsmen watched over airports. And armed air marshals, under-cover law enforcement personnel, accompanied passengers on many domestic flights.

These early efforts gave way to a series of antiterrorism laws enacted by the president and U.S. Congress. The new laws gave FBI officials expanded authority to tap the phone lines and e-mail communications of people suspected of terrorism. They imposed harsh penalties on those convicted of harboring or financing terrorists and allowed the U.S. government to detain and hold terrorism suspects for seven days without charging them with a crime.

Meanwhile, in the Middle East, the U.S. military was mobilizing for war. Air force, navy, and Marine pilots took positions on ships in the Arabian Sea. Soldiers prepared for combat. And then on October 7, 2001, U.S. warplanes bombed the first targets in Afghanistan. Initially, the targets included Taliban military positions—air fields, weapons' holds, and such. As the war progressed, the strikes specifically targeted bin Laden and his network of al-Qaeda terrorists, destroying training camps and caves where they were suspected to be hiding. With the help of the Northern Alliance, a group of Afghan rebels who had been fighting the Taliban since the mid-1990s, the war progressed quickly; by the end of the year, all major Taliban- and al-Qaeda-held cities had fallen to the Allies.

The war effort enjoyed much popular support. Having witnessed the destructive power of bin Laden and his followers, most Americans saw war as a justifiable response. There were those, however, who did not agree with the government's decisions. American civil liberties groups, in particular, argued that the new antiterrorism laws would infringe on individual rights. They worried that the laws would unfairly target legal immigrants and those who disagreed with the government's policies. Pacifists also criticized the war, arguing that avenging the victims'deaths with more violence was unjust.

Regardless, the war on terrorism continued. President Bush, his team of advisers, and leaders around the world maintained that it was indeed just, honorable, and necessary. Without it, they worried, the terrorist threat could not be eliminated.

Our Enemies: Osama bin Laden and Terrorism

A primary objective after the September 11 attacks was to discover who was behind them. In this excerpt of a speech given to a joint session of Congress on September 20, 2001, President George W. Bush identifies a terrorist network known as al-Qaeda and its leader, Osama bin Laden, as responsible for the attacks. Bush outlines America's demands to the Taliban government of Afghanistan, which harbored bin Laden, and reiterates the country's resolve to fight terrorism around the world.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. President Pro Tempore, members of Congress, and fellow Americans:

In the normal course of events, Presidents come to this chamber to report on the state of the Union. Tonight, no such report is needed. It has already been delivered by the American people.

We have seen it in the courage of passengers, who rushed terrorists to save others on the ground—passengers like an exceptional man named Todd Beamer. And would you please help me to welcome his wife, Lisa Beamer, here tonight.

We have seen the state of our Union in the endurance of rescuers, working past exhaustion. We have seen the unfurling of flags, the lighting of candles, the giving of blood, the saying of prayers—in English, Hebrew, and Arabic. We have seen the decency of a loving and giving people who have made the grief of strangers their own.

My fellow citizens, for the last nine days, the entire world has seen for itself the state of our Union—and it is strong.

Tonight we are a country awakened to danger and called to defend freedom. Our grief has turned to anger, and anger to resolution. Whether we bring our enemies to justice, or bring justice to our enemies, justice will be done.

I thank the Congress for its leadership at such an important time. All of America was touched on the evening of the tragedy to see Republicans and Democrats joined together on the steps of this Capitol, singing "God Bless America."And you did more than sing; you acted, by delivering $40 billion to rebuild our communities and meet the needs of our military.

Speaker Hastert, Minority Leader Gephardt, Majority Leader Daschle and Senator Lott, I thank you for your friendship, for your leadership and for your service to our country.

And on behalf of the American people, I thank the world for its outpouring of support. America will never forget the sounds of our National Anthem playing at Buckingham Palace, on the streets of Paris, and at Berlin's Brandenburg Gate.

We will not forget South Korean children gathering to pray outside our embassy in Seoul, or the prayers of sympathy offered at a mosque in Cairo. We will not forget moments of silence and days of mourning in Australia and Africa and Latin America.

Nor will we forget the citizens of 80 other nations who died with our own: dozens of Pakistanis; more than 130 Israelis; more than 250 citizens of India; men and women from El Salvador, Iran, Mexico and Japan; and hundreds of British citizens. America has no truer friend than Great Britain. Once again, we are joined together in a great cause—so honored the British Prime Minister has crossed an ocean to show his unity of purpose with America. Thank you for coming, friend.

On September the 11th, enemies of freedom committed an act of war against our country. Americans have known wars—but for the past 136 years, they have been wars on foreign soil, except for one Sunday in 1941. Americans have known the casualties of war—but not at the center of a great city on a peaceful morning. Americans have known surprise attacks—but never before on thousands of civilians. All of this was brought upon us in a single day—and night fell on a different world, a world where freedom itself is under attack.

Americans have many questions tonight. Americans are asking: Who attacked our country? The evidence we have gathered all points to a collection of loosely affiliated terrorist organizations known as al Qaeda. They are the same murderers indicted for bombing American embassies in Tanzania and Kenya, and responsible for bombing the USS Cole.

Al Qaeda is to terror what the mafia is to crime. But its goal is not making money; its goal is remaking the world—and imposing its radical beliefs on people everywhere.

The terrorists practice a fringe form of Islamic extremism that has been rejected by Muslim scholars and the vast majority of Muslim clerics—a fringe movement that perverts the peaceful teachings of Islam. The terrorists' directive commands them to kill Christians and Jews, to kill all Americans, and make no distinction among military and civilians, including women and children.

This group and its leader—a person named Osama bin Laden—are linked to many other organizations in different countries, including the Egyptian Islamic Jihad and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. There are thousands of these terrorists in more than 60 countries. They are recruited from their own nations and neighborhoods and brought to camps in places like Afghanistan, where they are trained in the tactics of terror. They are sent back to their homes or sent to hide in countries around the world to plot evil and destruction.

The leadership of al Qaeda has great influence in Afghanistan and supports the Taliban regime in controlling most of that country. In Afghanistan, we see al Qaeda's vision for the world.

Afghanistan's people have been brutalized—many are starving and many have fled. Women are not allowed to attend school. You can be jailed for owning a television. Religion can be practiced only as their leaders dictate. A man can be jailed in Afghanistan if his beard is not long enough.

The United States respects the people of Afghanistan—after all, we are currently its largest source of humanitarian aid—but we condemn the Taliban regime. It is not only repressing its own people, it is threatening people everywhere by sponsoring and sheltering

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and supplying terrorists. By aiding and abetting murder, the Taliban regime is committing murder.

And tonight, the United States of America makes the following demands on the Taliban: Deliver to United States authorities all the leaders of al Qaeda who hide in your land. Release all foreign nationals, including American citizens, you have unjustly imprisoned. Protect foreign journalists, diplomats and aid workers in your country. Close immediately and permanently every terrorist training camp in Afghanistan, and hand over every terrorist, and every person in their support structure, to appropriate authorities. Give the United States full access to terrorist training camps, so we can make sure they are no longer operating.

These demands are not open to negotiation or discussion. The Taliban must act, and act immediately. They will hand over the terrorists, or they will share in their fate.

I also want to speak tonight directly to Muslims throughout the world. We respect your faith. It's practiced freely by many millions of Americans, and by millions more in countries that America counts as friends. Its teachings are good and peaceful, and those who commit evil in the name of Allah blaspheme the name of Allah. The terrorists are traitors to their own faith, trying, in effect, to hijack Islam itself. The enemy of America is not our many Muslim friends; it is not our many Arab friends. Our enemy is a radical network of terrorists, and every government that supports them.

Our war on terror begins with al Qaeda, but it does not end there. It will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped and defeated.

Americans are asking, why do they hate us? They hate what we see right here in this chamber—a democratically elected government. Their leaders are self-appointed. They hate our freedoms—our freedom of religion, our freedom of speech, our freedom to vote and assemble and disagree with each other.

They want to overthrow existing governments in many Muslim countries, such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan. They want to drive Israel out of the Middle East. They want to drive Christians and Jews out of vast regions of Asia and Africa.

These terrorists kill not merely to end lives, but to disrupt and end a way of life. With every atrocity, they hope that America grows fearful, retreating from the world and forsaking our friends. They stand against us, because we stand in their way.

We are not deceived by their pretenses to piety. We have seen their kind before. They are the heirs of all the murderous ideologies of the 20th century. By sacrificing human life to serve their radical visions—by abandoning every value except the will to power—they follow in the path of fascism, and Nazism, and totalitarianism. And they will follow that path all the way, to where it ends: in history's unmarked grave of discarded lies.

Americans are asking: How will we fight and win this war? We will direct every resource at our command—every means of diplomacy, every tool of intelligence, every instrument of law enforcement, every financial influence, and every necessary weapon of war—to the disruption and to the defeat of the global terror network.

This war will not be like the war against Iraq a decade ago, with a decisive liberation of territory and a swift conclusion. It will not look like the air war above Kosovo two years ago, where no ground troops were used and not a single American was lost in combat.

Our response involves far more than instant retaliation and isolated strikes. Americans should not expect one battle, but a lengthy campaign, unlike any other we have ever seen. It may include dramatic strikes, visible on TV, and covert operations, secret even in success. We will starve terrorists of funding, turn them one against another, drive them from place to place, until there is no refuge or no rest. And we will pursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to terrorism. Every nation, in every region, now has a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists. From this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime.

Our nation has been put on notice: We are not immune from attack. We will take defensive measures against terrorism to protect Americans. Today, dozens of federal departments and agencies, as well as state and local governments, have responsibilities affecting homeland security. These efforts must be coordinated at the highest level. So tonight I announce the creation of a Cabinet-level position reporting directly to me—the Office of Homeland Security.

And tonight I also announce a distinguished American to lead this effort, to strengthen American security: a military veteran, an effective governor, a true patriot, a trusted friend—Pennsylvania's Tom Ridge. He will lead, oversee and coordinate a comprehensive national strategy to safeguard our country against terrorism, and respond to any attacks that may come.

These measures are essential. But the only way to defeat terrorism as a threat to our way of life is to stop it, eliminate it, and destroy it where it grows.

Many will be involved in this effort, from FBI agents to intelligence operatives to the reservists we have called to active duty. All deserve our thanks, and all have our prayers. And tonight, a few miles from the damaged Pentagon, I have a message for our military: Be ready. I've called the Armed Forces to alert, and there is a reason. The hour is coming when America will act, and you will make us proud.

This is not, however, just America's fight. And what is at stake is not just America's freedom. This is the world's fight. This is civilization's fight. This is the fight of all who believe in progress and pluralism, tolerance and freedom.

We ask every nation to join us. We will ask, and we will need, the help of police forces, intelligence services, and banking systems around the world. The United States is grateful that many nations and many international organizations have already responded—with sympathy and with support. Nations from Latin America, to Asia, to Africa, to Europe, to the Islamic world. Perhaps the NATO Charter reflects best the attitude of the world:An attack on one is an attack on all.

The civilized world is rallying to America's side. They understand that if this terror goes unpunished, their own cities, their own citizens may be next. Terror, unanswered, can not only bring down buildings, it can threaten the stability of legitimate governments. And you know what—we're not going to allow it.

Americans are asking: What is expected of us? I ask you to live your lives, and hug your children. I know many citizens have fears tonight, and I ask you to be calm and resolute, even in the face of a continuing threat.

I ask you to uphold the values of America, and remember why so many have come here. We are in a fight for our principles, and our first responsibility is to live by them. No one should be singled out for unfair treatment or unkind words because of their ethnic background or religious faith.

I ask you to continue to support the victims of this tragedy with your contributions. Those who want to give can go to a central source of information, libertyunites.org, to find the names of groups providing direct help in New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia.

The thousands of FBI agents who are now at work in this investigation may need your cooperation, and I ask you to give it.

I ask for your patience, with the delays and inconveniences that may accompany tighter security;and for your patience in what will be a long struggle.

I ask your continued participation and confidence in the American economy. Terrorists attacked a symbol of American prosperity. They did not touch its source. America is successful because of the hard work, and creativity, and enterprise of our people. These were the true strengths of our economy before September 11th, and they are our strengths today.

And, finally, please continue praying for the victims of terror and their families, for those in uniform, and for our great country. Prayer has comforted us in sorrow, and will help strengthen us for the journey ahead.

Tonight I thank my fellow Americans for what you have already done and for what you will do. And ladies and gentlemen of the Congress, I thank you, their representatives, for what you have already done and for what we will do together.

Tonight, we face new and sudden national challenges. We will come together to improve air safety, to dramatically expand the number of air marshals on domestic flights, and take new measures to prevent hijacking. We will come together to promote stability and keep our airlines flying, with direct assistance during this emergency.

We will come together to give law enforcement the additional tools it needs to track down terror here at home. We will come together to strengthen our intelligence capabilities to know the plans of terrorists before they act, and find them before they strike.

We will come together to take active steps that strengthen America's economy, and put our people back to work.

Tonight we welcome two leaders who embody the extraordinary spirit of all New Yorkers: Governor George Pataki, and Mayor Rudolph Guiliani. As a symbol of America's resolve, my administration will work with Congress, and these two leaders, to show the world that we will rebuild New York City.

After all that has just passed—all the lives taken, and all the possibilities and hopes that died with them—it is natural to wonder if America's future is one of fear. Some speak of an age of terror. I know there are struggles ahead, and dangers to face. But this country will define our times, not be defined by them. As long as the United States of America is determined and strong, this will not be an age of terror;this will be an age of liberty, here and across the world.

Great harm has been done to us. We have suffered great loss. And in our grief and anger we have found our mission and our moment. Freedom and fear are at war. The advance of human freedom—the great achievement of our time, and the great hope of every time—now depends on us. Our nation—this generation—will lift a dark threat of violence from our people and our future. We will rally the world to this cause by our efforts, by our courage. We will not tire, we will not falter, and we will not fail.

It is my hope that in the months and years ahead, life will return almost to normal. We'll go back to our lives and routines, and that is good. Even grief recedes with time and grace. But our resolve must not pass. Each of us will remember what happened that day, and to whom it happened. We'll remember the moment the news came—where we were and what we were doing. Some will remember an image of a fire, or a story of rescue. Some will carry memories of a face and a voice gone forever.

And I will carry this: It is the police shield of a man named George Howard, who died at the World Trade Center trying to save others. It was given to me by his mom, Arlene, as a proud memorial to her son. This is my reminder of lives that ended, and a task that does not end.

I will not forget this wound to our country or those who inflicted it. I will not yield; I will not rest; I will not relent in waging this struggle for freedom and security for the American people.

The course of this conflict is not known, yet its outcome is certain. Freedom and fear, justice and cruelty, have always been at war, and we know that God is not neutral between them.

Fellow citizens, we'll meet violence with patient justice—assured of the rightness of our cause, and confident of the victories to come. In all that lies before us, may God grant us wisdom, and may He watch over the United States of America.

Excerpted from George W. Bush's "Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American People,"September 20, 2001.

An Act of War

In this article Helle Bering, an editor at the Washington Times, argues that crashing hijacked airplanes into American buildings is not a tragedy, but an act of war. Bering further contends that the United States must forcefully retaliate, she says, or expect more American deaths in the future.

Could we stop calling this a "tragedy?"The hijacking of planes from American and United Airlines by terrorists, who crashed them into the two World Trade Center towers and the Pentagon, represent an act of war. It's that simple. Yesterday's [September 11,2001] carnage may not have been preceded by a hand-delivered notice and a finely worded declaration of war, but such formalities are not the nature of warfare in the 21st century. Come to think of it, no formalities were observed at Pearl Harbor either, which caught the U.S. government equally unprepared. Yesterday was a "day of infamy"no less than Dec.7,1941.

Still, as in the war with Japan 60 years ago, it is not as though we have not been put on notice over the past decade. For years, Islamic terrorists have considered themselves at war with the United States and its ally Israel, whose vulnerability to suicide bombings ought to be especially appreciated by Americans today. What we felt here yesterday, from astonishment to helplessness to absolute outrage, is what the Israelis have to live with every single day.

Our recent experience with Islamic terrorism ought to have placed the country on high alert. The World Trade Center bombing of 1993 was a warning. So, too, was the bombing of two U.S. embassies in Africa in 1998. So was the bombing of the USS Cole in Yemen in October of last year.

Forces of darkness are indeed conspiring against us, people who act in ways that we consider neither rational nor intelligible. They do have a sick logic of their own, however. Saudi fundamentalist terrorist leader Osama bin Laden has been fingered as a prime suspect in the coordinated embassy bombings in Africa, and he has reportedly bragged about the attack on the USS Cole. Reports of an imminent and massive attack on the United States have apparently been around for the past several weeks.

So, it surely is not unfair to ask why the U.S. security services were asleep again. As an outraged [congressional] Rep. Curt Weldon fumed yesterday on CNN,"the first priority of the U.S. government is not education, it is not health care, it is the defense and protection of U.S. citizens." [Congressional] Rep. Dana Rohrabacher is very reasonably demanding accountability among high-level intelligence officials. An operation of this magnitude and level of precise coordination should have been picked up by the CIA or the FBI. Whether the reason is complacency, a lack of funding or a lack of human assets in countries that harbor and nourish terrorists, it is totally incomprehensible and unforgivable that the United States was caught off-guard again.

President Bush preserved calm during one of the worst days a U.S. could have imagined. Calm is good. But if anything, one would have liked the president to have spoken more in anger than in sadness, which seemed to be his prevailing mode."Make no mistake,"Mr. Bush stated,"the United States will hunt down and punish those responsible for these cowardly acts."Acknowledging that "[t]he resolve of our great nation is being tested,"Mr. Bush promised,"We will show the world that we will pass this test."He had better follow through on that. The actions of Mr. Bush—and of every country that wishes to be called a friend of the United States—will be carefully watched by the enemy. This is not a time to urge caution. We have to respond with massive retaliation or expect more American lives to be lost in the future.

Somewhat encouragingly, it seems that this is also the expectation felt abroad. Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat was among the first to deplore the action, looking severely shaken. Perhaps he could inform his people that their dancing in the streets of the West Bank and handing out candy in celebration does not exactly back up his regrets. Meanwhile, Islamic Jihad [a fundamentalist Islamic group] in Gaza issued a statement blaming U.S. Middle East policy, but renouncing any responsibility. Even the odious [hated] Taliban in Afghanistan held a press conference to let it be known that they didn't do it. Nor did they think that Osama bin Laden did, by the way.

It is certainly true that an open society cannot protect itself against every lunatic who thinks he has a cause and a grievance. Necessary precautions must not be allowed to change the nature of this country from what makes it great and strong—its free people whose democratic and enterprising spirit has brought the United States to an apex of power. If Adolf Hitler could not bomb Britain into submission with the Blitz of London [during World War II], which likewise targeted the civilian population, surely the actions of the terrorists yesterday ought only to strengthen American resolve against the evil forces they represent. Americans, bless their hearts, have a way of rising to the occasion. Now the Bush administration has to do the same.

Wanted: Dead or Alive

Almost immediately, the U.S. government placed the blame for the September 11, 2001, attacks at the feet of Osama bin Laden. At a press conference at the Pentagon in mid-September 2001, President Bush told reporters about the kind of justice he wanted for the reputed terrorist.

Q: Do you want bin Laden dead?

THE PRESIDENT: I want justice. There's an old poster out west, as I recall, that said,"Wanted: Dead or Alive."

Q: Do you see this being long-term? You were saying it's long-term, do you see an end, at all?

THE PRESIDENT: I think that this is a long-term battle, war. There will be battles. But this is long-term. After all, our mission is not just Osama bin Laden, the al Qaeda organization. Our mission is to battle terrorism and to join with freedom-loving people.

We are putting together a coalition that is a coalition dedicated to declaring to the world we will do what it takes to find the terrorists, to rout them out and to hold them accountable. And the United States is proud to lead the coalition.

Q: Are you saying you want him dead or alive, sir? Can I interpret—

THE PRESIDENT: I just remember, all I'm doing is remembering when I was a kid I remember that they used to put out there in the Old West, a wanted poster. It said: "Wanted, Dead or Alive." All I want and America wants him brought to justice. That's what we want.

Excerpted from George W. Bush's "Remarks by President to Employees at the Pentagon,"September 17, 2001.

A Vote Against U.S. Military Action

Following the attacks of September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush requested that Congress pass a bill that would give him unlimited authority to use military force in response to terrorist attacks. Bush's bill passed both houses of Congress with Representative Barbara Lee of California casting the sole dissenting vote. Below is her statement explaining her vote.

I rise today with a heavy heart, one that is filled with sorrow for the families and loved ones who were killed and injured this week. Only the most foolish or the most callous would not understand the grief that has gripped our people and millions across the world.

This unspeakable attack on the United States has forced me to rely on my moral compass, my conscience, and my God for direction.

September 11 changed the world. Our deepest fears now haunt us. Yet I am convinced that military action will not prevent further acts of international terrorism against the United States.

This resolution will pass although we all know that the President can wage a war even without it. However difficult this vote may be, some of us must urge the use of restraint. Our country is in a state of mourning. Some of us must say, let's step back for a moment and think through the implications of our action today so that it does not spiral out of control.

I have agonized over this vote. But I came to grips with opposing this resolution during the very painful memorial service today. As a member of the clergy so eloquently said,"As we act, let us not become the evil that we deplore."

Excerpted from Representative Barbara Lee's (D-CA) "Statement in Opposition to S.J. Res. 23, Authorizing the Use of Military Force,"September 14, 2001.

An Attack on Civilized Values

In the war against terrorism, the United States realized that it needed the entire world's support in order to win the fight. In a speech delivered in October 2001, and excerpted below, Tony Blair, Great Britains prime minister, explains to the House of Commons why Great Britain must support the United States in its war on terrorism.

At 5.30 p.m. British Time yesterday a series of air and cruise missile attacks began on the terrorist camps of Usama Bin Laden and the military installations of the Taliban regime. These were carried out by American and British armed forces with the support of other allies. There were 30 targets: 23 were outside the main cities; 3 were in Kabul and 4 were in the vicinity of other large settlements. In all cases, the utmost care was taken to avoid civilian casualties. British forces were engaged in this action through the use of submarine-launched Tomahawk missiles fired against terrorist training facilities.

It is too early to report back fully on the effect of last night's action. However we can say that initial indications are that the coalition operations were successful in achieving their objective of destroying and degrading elements of the Al Qaida terrorist facilities and the Taliban military apparatus that protects them. These operations will continue, and I can tell the House that a second wave of attacks is now under way.

In time, they will be supported by other actions, again carefully targeted on the military network of the enemy.

We took almost four weeks after 11 September to act. I pay tribute to President Bush's statesmanship in having the patience to wait. This was for three reasons. First, we had to establish who was responsible. Once it was clear that the Al Qaida network planned and perpetrated the attacks we then wanted to give the Taliban regime time to decide their own position: would they shield bin Laden or yield him up? It was only fair to give them an ultimatum and time to respond. It is now clear they have chosen to side with terrorism.

But thirdly, we wanted time to make sure that the targets for any action, minimised the possibility of civilian casualties. Our argument is not with the Afghan people. They are victims of the Taliban regime. They live in poverty, repressed viciously, women denied even the most basic human rights and subject to a crude form of theocratic dictatorship that is as cruel as it is arbitrary.

We are doing all we can to limit the effect of our action on ordinary Afghans. I repeat: we will not walk away from them, once the conflict ends, as has happened in the past. We will stand by them and help them to a better, more stable future under a broad-based Government involving all the different ethnic groupings. That is our pledge to the people of Afghanistan....

In the Arab world there has been widespread condemnation of the 11 September atrocities and acceptance of the need to take action against the Al Qaida network.

Of course, Al Qaida and the Taliban regime will be eager to spread false propaganda. Already, their lie machine is putting out false claims about US planes being shot down. There will be much more of this kind of thing. And of course they lie about our motivation. We know their aim. It is to foment [incite] conflict between Islam and the West; it is to present themselves as champions of the Muslim world against the USA. It is to say we are anti-Islam. This is a lie. Let us expose it once and for all. We are in conflict with bin Laden and the Taliban regime because the terrorists killed thousands of innocent people, including hundreds of Muslims and women and children;and because the Taliban regime in return for financial and other support, give them succour [aid].

Forgive me for repeating this, but my visit to Pakistan convinced me these sentiments cannot be repeated too often. To kill in this way is utterly foreign to all teachings of the Koran. To justify it by saying such murder of the innocent is doing the will of God, is to defame the good name of Islam. That is why Muslims the world over have been appalled by this act. This was made clear to me once more at my meeting earlier today with leaders

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of all the religious faiths in Britain. And for those who doubted bin Laden's wickedness, or his murderous intent, just listen to his television broadcast yesterday. He said: "God Almighty hit the US at its most vulnerable spot. He destroyed its greatest buildings and filled the country with terror. Praise be to God."Sitting next to him, was Ayman al-Zawahiri [a-Zahiri], leader of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad, involved themselves in Al Qaida's attacks on the US Embassies in East Africa in 1998.

I would also remind people of this. When hundreds of thousands of Muslims were subject to ethnic cleansing by the hated Milosevic regime in 1999 in Kosovo, we took military action in Serbia against Milosevic. We weren't acting then against Milosevic because Serbia is an Orthodox Christian country; or in favour of the Kosovars because many are Muslims. We acted against Milosevic because what he was doing—the humanitarian catastrophe he was inflicting on them—was unjust. We helped the Kosovars because they were victims of his injustice.

It is justice too that makes our coalition as important on the humanitarian side as on the military.

We have established an effective coalition to deal with the humanitarian crisis in the region, which of course existed before 11 September.

Our priority has been to re-establish food supply routes into Afghanistan. Some 5,000 tons of food went in during the last fortnight, thanks to the efforts of the UN and other international agencies.

At the UN meeting in Geneva over the weekend, donors pledged $600 million including the UK's own commitment of $55 million.

We will do all we can to help refugees from the Taliban. All we ask them to do is not to stop that help getting through.

We must safeguard our country too. Our first responsibility is the safety of the public. Since 11 September every one of our arrangements has been under scrutiny. We have extensive contingency planning in place in Britain. We are doing all we reasonably can to anticipate the nature of and thwart, any potential reprisal. As yet there is no specific credible threat that we know of against Britain, but we would be foolish to be anything other than highly vigilant, though as the experience of the USA shows it is not an easy task. Contacts between the UK, US and other Governments and agencies are good, and expertise and planning are being shared.

I am aware of the anguish for the families of the aid workers held in Afghanistan, and of the journalist Yvonne Ridley [held by the Taliban].We hope that the report of her release are correct; but as yet have no official confirmation.

We are in this for the long haul.

Even when Al Qaida is dealt with, the job is not over. The network of international terrorism is not confined to it.

It is essential therefore that we reflect why it is so necessary we stand with the US and other allies in this fight.

It is that this attack was an attack not on the West or the US alone. It was an attack on civilised values everywhere. It was an attempt to change by terror what the terrorists knew they couldn't do by reasoned argument. It was an attempt to substitute terrorist atrocity for deliberative policy; to see the world run by the chaos consequent on terrorist outrage, rather than by disciplined and calm debate.

We in Britain have the most direct interest in defeating such terror. It strikes at the heart of what we believe in. We know that if not stopped, the terrorists will do it again, this time possibly in Britain. We know that it was an attack on economic confidence, trying to destroy the strength of our economies and that eradicating this threat is crucial to global economic confidence. We know the Taliban regime is largely funded by the drugs trade, and that 90 per cent of the heroin on British streets originates in Afghanistan. We know that the refugee crisis, 4½ million on the move even before 11 September, directly impacts on us here.

So this military action we are undertaking is not for a just cause alone, though this cause is just. It is to protect our country, our people, our economy, our way of life. It is not a struggle remote from our everyday concerns. It touches them intimately.

We did not choose this conflict.

We do not lightly go to fight. We are, all of us—the nations involved in this action—peaceful peoples who prefer to live in peace.

But a desire to live in peace should never be interpreted as weakness by those who attack us. If attacked, we will respond;we will defend ourselves;and our very reluctance to use force means that when we do, we do so with complete determination that it shall prevail.

That is why we were there last night in action, and why we will be there again, with our allies. It is why we will continue to act, with steadfast resolve, to see this struggle through to the end and to the victory that would mark the victory not of revenge but of justice over the evil of terrorism.

Excerpted from Tony Blair's "Prime Minister's Statement to the House of Commons,"October 8, 2001.

A New Kind of War

In the New York Times article printed below, U.S. Secretary of Defense, Donald H. Rumsfeld, explains why the U.S.–led war against terrorism is different from any other war the United States has fought and that, despite the differences, he believes the United States will once again be victorious.

President Bush is rallying the nation for a war against terrorism's attack on our way of life. Some believe the first casualty of any war is the truth. But in this war, the first victory must be to tell the truth. And the truth is, this will be a war like none other our nation has faced. Indeed, it is easier to describe what lies ahead by talking about what it is not rather than what it is.

This war will not be waged by a grand alliance united for the single purpose of defeating an axis of hostile powers. Instead, it will involve floating coalitions of countries, which may change and evolve. Countries will have different roles and contribute in different ways. Some will provide diplomatic support, others financial, still others logistical or military. Some will help us publicly, while others, because of their circumstances, may help us privately and secretly. In this war, the mission will define the coalition—not the other way around.

We understand that countries we consider our friends may help with certain efforts or be silent on others, while other actions we take may depend on the involvement of countries we have considered less than friendly.

In this context, the decision by the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia—friends of the United States—to break ties with the Taliban is an important early success of this campaign, but should not suggest they will be a part of every action we may contemplate.

This war will not necessarily be one in which we pore over military targets and mass forces to seize those targets. Instead, military force will likely be one of many tools we use to stop individuals, groups and countries that engage in terrorism.

Our response may include firing cruise missiles into military targets somewhere in the world; we are just as likely to engage in electronic combat to track and stop investments moving through offshore banking centers. The uniforms of this conflict will be bankers'pinstripes and programmers'grunge just as assuredly as desert camouflage.

This is not a war against an individual, a group, a religion or a country. Rather, our opponent is a global network of terrorist organizations and their state sponsors, committed to denying free people the opportunity to live as they choose. While we may engage militarily against foreign governments that sponsor terrorism, we may also seek to make allies of the people those governments suppress.

Even the vocabulary of this war will be different. When we "invade the enemy's territory," we may well be invading his cyberspace. There may not be as many beachheads stormed as opportunities denied. Forget about "exit strategies"; we're looking at a sustained engagement that carries no deadlines. We have no fixed rules about how to deploy our troops; we'll instead establish guidelines to determine whether military force is the best way to achieve a given objective.

The public may see some dramatic military engagements that produce no apparent victory, or may be unaware of other actions that lead to major victories."Battles"will be fought by customs officers stopping suspicious persons at our borders and diplomats securing cooperation against money laundering.

But if this is a different kind of war, one thing is unchanged: America remains indomitable. Our victory will come with Americans living their lives day by day, going to work, raising their children and building their dreams as they always have—a free and great people.

Excerpted from "A New Kind of War," by Donald Rumsfeld, New York Times, September 27, 2001.

A Widow's Plea for Nonviolence

Amber Amundson's husband, Craig, was killed at the Pentagon on September 11, 2001. Two weeks later, Amundson wrote the following editorial, arguing that her husband would not have wanted the United States to avenge his death with a war.

My husband, Craig Scott Amundson, of the U. S.Army lost his life in the line of duty at the Pentagon on Sept.11 as the world looked on in horror and disbelief.

Losing my 28-year-old husband and father of our two young children is a terrible and painful experience.

His death is also part of an immense national loss and I am comforted by knowing so many share my grief.

But because I have lost Craig as part of this historic tragedy, my anguish is compounded exponentially by fear that his death will be used to justify new violence against other innocent victims.

I have heard angry rhetoric by some Americans, including many of our nation's leaders, who advise a heavy dose of revenge and punishment. To those leaders, I would like to make clear that my family and I take no comfort in your words of rage. If you choose to respond to this incomprehensible brutality by perpetuating violence against other innocent human beings, you may not do so in the name of justice for my husband. Your words and imminent acts of revenge only amplify our family's suffering, deny us the dignity of remembering our loved one in a way that would have

made him proud, and mock his vision of America as a peacemaker in the world community.

Craig enlisted in the Army and was proud to serve his country. He was a patriotic American and a citizen of the world. Craig believed that by working from within the military system he could help to maintain the military focus on peacekeeping and strategic planning—to prevent violence and war. For the last two years Craig drove to his job at the Pentagon with a "visualize world peace"bumper sticker on his car. This was not empty rhetoric or contradictory to him, but part of his dream. He believed his role in the Army could further the cause of peace throughout the world.

Craig would not have wanted a violent response to avenge his death. And I cannot see how good can come out of it. We cannot solve violence with violence.[Indian nationalist leader] Mohandas Gandhi said,"An eye

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for an eye only makes the whole world blind." We will no longer be able to see that we hold the light of liberty if we are blinded by vengeance, anger and fear. I ask our nation's leaders not to take the path that leads to more widespread hatreds—that make my husband's death just one more in an unending spiral of killing.

I call on our national leaders to find the courage to respond to this incomprehensible tragedy by breaking the cycle of violence. I call on them to marshal this great nation's skills and resources to lead a worldwide dialogue on freedom from terror and hate.

I do not know how to begin making a better world: I do believe it must be done, and I believe it is our leaders'responsibility to find a way. I urge them to take up this challenge and respond to our nation's and my personal tragedy with a new beginning that gives us hope for a peaceful global community.

Lucent Terrorism Library: America Under Attack: Primary Sources