Gikuyu

PRONUNCIATION: kee-KOO-yoo
ALTERNATE NAMES: Kikuyu; Gekoyo
LOCATION: Kenya
POPULATION: 6.8 million
LANGUAGE: Gikuyu;English and KiSwahili (national languages)
RELIGION: Christianity (Roman Catholicism, Anglicanism, fundamentalist groups, African Separatist Churches); ancestor spirits (Mungiki etc)
RELATED ARTICLES: Vol. 1: Kenyans

INTRODUCTION

The Gikuyu, like the white settlers in the early 20th century, were attracted to the highlands because of cool temperatures, fertile soils, and abundant rainfall. Prior to the arrival of the Gikuyu, hunters and gatherers known as the Dorobo occupied the area. Although the exact date when the Gikuyu began to occupy the central highlands is not known, their oral history refers to a cycle of famines, which helps to tie their presence to a point in history. For example, the “Famine of Sweeping the Courtyard” occurred probably before 1637 and the “Famine of Small Bones” occurred later, sometime in the mid-18th century. It is known, therefore, that by the early 1600s (well before the arrival or Europeans), the Gikuyu were concentrated at Ithanga, 80 km (50 mi) southeast of the mountains that rise near the confluence of the Thika and Sagana rivers.

Oral traditions of all the tribes of Kenya agree that people began to migrate in different directions, eventually becoming the separate groups that exist today. The Gikuyu themselves moved west, from where the Gikuyu creation myth picks up the story.

The history of the Gikuyu becomes further complicated for historians and anthropologists with the inevitable intermarriage and interaction that occurred (and still occurs) between the various tribes and groups.

Having migrated to their current location about four centuries ago (in the 1600s), the Gikuyu make up Kenya's largest ethnic group. The Gikuyu attribute their origins to sacred intervention by their god Ngai who sometimes resides on Mt. Kenya, which, for the Gikuyu, is a sacred place.

The Gikuyu have featured very significantly in the development of contemporary Kenyan political, cultural, and social life. The Land and Freedom Movement (referred to pejoratively as the “Mau Mau” Movement) during the 1950s was primarily a Gikuyu guerrilla war in response to British imperialism, which had alienated Gikuyu from their farming lands in favor of white settlers. Many of these settlers owned farms bigger than the states of Rhode Island or Delaware. On these farms Gikuyu were required to do forced labor, especially providing labor for cash crops such as coffee and tea. A “hut tax” in 1901 was imposed on every Gikuyu household so that men were forced to migrate into the growing city of Nairobi or on to the white-owned farms to earn money so as to pay taxes. The Gikuyu nationalist Jomo Kenyatta became the first president of Kenya at its independence in 1963. He is revered amongst the Gikuyu for his leadership against colonialism and for his status as the father of his country.

Today, the Gikuyu, like other Kenyan ethnic groups, participate in a democratic political system. Political participation is primarily through election to a parliamentary seat (of which there are 210 in Kenya) or through direct election to the national presidency. Most of the Gikuyu belong to one major political party, the Party of National Unity (PNU), one of the major partners in Kenya's “Grand Coalition” government as of 2008. The other major partner in the coalition government is the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM).

The Grand Coalition government was the culmination of a peace deal brokered by former UN Secretary General KofiAnnan when violence broke out among Kenya's ethnic groups following the announcement of the disputed December 2007 presidential election results. Members of the Gikuyu community (from which the incumbent President Mwai Kibaki hailed) suffered most of the violence where over 1,000 people were killed and over 500,000 displaced from their own homes.

As of 2008 the Gikuyu were as much part of the ruling coalition government as other Kenyan citizens. Mwai Kibaki was the second Gikuyu to become the president of Kenya since 1964 when Kenya became a republic. He was elected for a renewable five-year term in 2002 after former African strongman Daniel Moi retired from office and active politics. Other outstanding Gikuyu personalities in history include Jomo Kenyatta, the first president of Kenya; Dedan Kimathi, the celebrated leader of the “Mau Mau” Movement; and Wangu wa Makeri, a legendary woman who ruled Gikuyuland.

LOCATION AND HOMELAND

Official figures released in January 2007 estimated the population of Kenya at 36.1 million. The Gikuyu are the largest ethnic group in Kenya numbering about 6.8 million of this population. The overall population growth rate for Kenya, however, dropped from 2.82% in 2005 to 2.75% in 2006. This drop can be attributed to disease and to more effective methods of family planning.

Although the Gikuyu live throughout Kenya, they are primarily located in two of Kenya's eight provinces. These two provinces, Nairobi Province and the Central Province, are in the central area of the country. Due to their numerical superiority and early 20th century colonial association with British settlers in the highlands, the Gikuyu have been well positioned to occupy a central position in Kenyan social life.

The capital city of Nairobi lies just on the southern boundary of the area traditionally occupied by the Gikuyu people. Thus, many Gikuyu now are counted among this city's inhabitants of about 3 million people. Ancestral homes are to the north of Nairobi in the towns of Murang'a, Nyeri, and Kiambu. Gikuyuland is a dissected plateau of about 160 km (100 mi) from north to south and 48 km (30 mi) from east to west. Its elevation ranges from about 900 m (3,000 ft) to over 2,300 m (7500 ft) above sea level. The plateau features deep gorges and parallel ridges. Rainfall due to the high altitude is very plentiful. On the eastern side of the plateau, the ecology is comparatively arid dominated by a grassland zone. To the west of this area, the elevation increases giving rise to more rainfall and woodlands with good potential for agriculture. The largest ecological area is characterized by high altitude and rainfall where foliage is abundant and population is heaviest. Since the Gikuyu rely heavily on agriculture, this is the area of significant cash crops such as pyrethrum, coffee, and tea. Soils are deep and red here providing a fertile ecology for the growth of traditional crops such as sweet potatoes, bananas, millet, sorghum, arum lily, yams, cowpeas, and maize, which is the staple throughout Gikuyuland.

Gikuyu also raise cattle, sheep, and goats. They use the hides from the cattle to make bedding, sandals, and carrying straps and they raise the goats and sheep to use for religious sacrifices and purification.

LANGUAGE

“Kikuyu” is the Anglicized form of the proper name and pronunciation of Gikuyu. The Gikuyu refer to themselves as the Agikuyu people. The Gikuyu are generally fluent in three languages: Gikuyu, KiSwahili, and English. The official language and the medium of instruction at all education tiers in Kenya is English. All children receive instruction in this language in school beginning with primary school and continuing through university. KiSwahili is a national language that is widely used as a language of trade and commerce especially by those for whom formal education has not been possible. KiSwahili is also taught in the schools from primary through secondary school. When traveling outside the central highlands, the Gikuyu use either English or KiSwahili. Radio, television and mass media publications are richly available in these two languages throughout Kenya.

The Gikuyu language, however, can be thought of as the language of preference in home and community and is spoken by, and passed on to, children at home. Gikuyu is taught in primary schools throughout Gikuyuland. Gikuyu is classified as a member of the Benue-Congo family of languages. It is grouped among the Bantu languages within this system of classification. These languages are widespread throughout central and southern Africa, which indicates a common culture history stretching over and uniting ethnic groups over a vast geographical area. Bantu languages have a common grammatical structure and cognate words shared as a language heritage. For example, in Gikuyu, as in other Bantu languages, nouns are grouped into classes and are modified by variations in prefixes, infixes, and suffixes to signify attributes such as plurality, singularity, size, human versus non-human status, and tense to name but a few. For instance, the stem “ndo” has no meaning except when modified. For example, the word “mondo” means man and the word “ando” means men. In KiSwahili, also a Bantu language, the stem “tu” is modified in the word man as “mtu” and “watu” as men or people. The term Bantu, which is used for the language family of which Gikuyu is a member, therefore, means “the people” while “muntu” means “a person.”

There are varieties within the Gikuyu language. There is the Southern Gikuyu (Kiambu, Southern Murang'a), Ndia (Southern Kirinyaga), Gichugu (Northern Kirinyaga), Mathira (Karatina), Northern Gikuyu (Northern Murang'a, Nyeri) dialects. Lexical similarity of Gikuyu is about 73% with Embu language, 70% with Chuka language, 67% with Kamba language and 63% with Meru.

If technological advancement is any guide, the Gikuyu language has a bright future. With the liberalization and growth of technology in Kenya, the Gikuyu language is claiming its place on the airwaves through such FM stations as Kameme FM, Inooro FM, and Coro FM. It is also establishing itself on the Internet where members interact in the Gikuyu language. Various writers, including Ngugi wa Thiong'o, the celebrated Kenyan novelist, have come out to promote the Gikuyu language.

FOLKLORE

The origin myth of the Gikuyu teaches that Ngai (“God”) carried the first man, Gikuyu, atop Mt. Kenya, also known as Kiri-nyaga, which is translated as the “Shining Mountain” or “Mountain of the Light.” Ngai showed him the bountiful land spread out below the mountain. He was told that his sons and daughters would inherit the land and multiply. They would enjoy all of the abundance provided by the land. Gikuyu was given a wife named Mumbi meaning “Creator” or “Molder,” and together they had nine daughters. Ngai said that whenever problems arose, the people should make a sacrifice and gaze at Mt. Kenya so as to be assisted. One day, Gikuyu was unhappy at not having a male heir so he pleaded with Ngai to provide a son for him. After appropriate rituals, Gikuyu went to a sacred tree where he found nine men waiting to greet him. He arranged for these men to marry his daughters provided they agreed to live under his roof and abide by a matrilineal system of inheritance. In time, many grand and great-grandchildren were born. Still later, each daughter came to head her own clan, thus giving rise to the nine clans of the Gikuyu people. The legend continues that in time the kinship system changed from a matrilineal to a patrilineal one. It is believed this happened because the women became excessive in their domination over men. Polygyny (one man and several wives) from then on replaced polyandry (one woman and severalhusbands) as a marital practice. Nevertheless, the women were able to maintain their names for the main clans. There was actually a 10th daughter but the Gikuyu considered it to be bad luck to say the number 10. When counting they used to say “full nine” instead of 10. To this day, most women carry one of these names. The names are Wanjiru, Wambui, Wanjiku, Wangari, Waceera, Wairimu, Wangui, Wangechi, Wambura, and Wamuyu.

The Gikuyu origin myth validates their system of kinship and gender relations. Spiritual life centered around belief in a high god and sacred places such as Mt. Kenya. Solidarity for family and community in naming practices and family inheritance is made sacred. Above all, land which continues to be the primary value for Gikuyu and which was contested during the colonial era against the British settlers can be understood to have far more than economic utility. Land is indeed a gift from God.

There are a number of other important legends that provide “cultural heroes” who performed great feats in the past. Among these are Karuri who was a past ruler of legendary proportions. Another is Wamugumo who was a noted giant believed to have been able to eat an entire goat by himself. He could clear land that took many men a long time to accomplish, and he was able to kill lions, buffalo, and leopards with ease. A famous woman called Wangu wa Makeri ruled during the period of the matriarchy. During this time, it is believed that women were allowed to have many husbands, especially young men, and the old men did all of the work.

Folktales and riddles combined with myths to provide for young people a strong sense of values recognized by the community as making up Gikuyu culture. Grandmothers were excellent storytellers and devoted a great deal of time to the telling of stories. Some common riddles include “A man who never sleeps hungry?”=fire (which is lit throughout the night); “My son lives between spears”=the tongue; and “My child travels without rest”=the river (always flowing). Proverbs are numerous and constantly changing to reflect current times. For example, one proverb teaches that “A good mortar does not correspond to a good pestle,” to show that successfully matching a husband and a wife may be difficult. Another proverb widely heard is “When the hyenas come, nobody will give shelter” which shows that in periods of panic, “it is every man for himself.” Common sense is taught by most proverbs such as “When one goes on a journey, he does not leave his bananas cooking in the fire.”

Children enjoy telling and listening to a wide assortment of folktales all of which serve to instill values in them. These tales involve stories about animals and people with such titles as “The Hyena at the Crossroads,” “The Poor Woman and the Hog,” “Two Girls and Their Gourds,” and “The Woman and the Bird.” Games are played involving speech acts such as competitive riddling and tongue twisters. One tongue twister refers to a child who saw a tadpole and ran away and when the tadpole saw the child, it also ran away. In Gikuyu, one says “Kaana ka Nikora kona kora kora, nako kora kona kaana ka Nikora kora.”

RELIGION

The Gikuyu today are prominently represented in a variety of Christian churches which include Roman Catholicism, Anglicanism, fundamentalist groups, and African Separatist Churches. The significance of belief in a high god, Ngai, is maintained or was transferred to the Christian-centered belief in monotheism. Ngai created everything. He lives in the sky and is invisible. Sometimes he lives on Mt. Kenya which in Gikuyu is called Kiri-nyaga meaning the “Mountain of the Light” or “Shining Mountain.” He should only be approached when problems are serious such as involving life and death questions. During periods of famine or epidemic diseases, the elders on behalf of the entire community approached him.

Other spiritual realms in addition to monotheism have also persisted into contemporary life. Important among these are the ancestors. These departed relatives were concerned with all matters especially those considered to be not important enough to seek Ngai's attention. Matters of everyday health, for example, deeply involve the ancestors who intervened to cause sickness when their interests were not upheld. “Traditional doctors” were popular as resources for diagnosing which ancestor had been responsible for a particular disease and for information as to how the ancestor may be appeased.

Religious ceremonies were commonly included in public prayer. Invoking through prayer the blessings of Ngai or the ancestors generally started these ceremonies. One common prayer includes the following supplications: “Praise ye Ngai. Peace be with us. Say ye, that the elders may have wisdom and speak with one voice. Say ye, that the people may continue to increase. Say ye, that sheep and cattle may be free of illness. Say ye, peace be with us.” Significantly, the elders led public prayers that served to validate their authority over affairs of the community by establishing a direct line to the high god that ran directly through them. Renowned elders stood out as prophets who were in a position to provide insights as to the wishes of Ngai. Some prophets are venerated in tribal history as most helpful during community crises concerning epidemics and drought. Currently, one can observe on occasion farmers thanking Ngai at harvest time for a plentiful bounty.

Prophets and seers cut a significant niche in Gikuyu religion. Examples included Mwathi wa Mugo and Mugo wa Kibiru. These prophets are believed to have predicted the coming of the White settlers, the struggle for freedom and the role of the Gikuyu in the political leadership of postcolonial Kenya. They gave religious and political guidance to the community.

In the past, religious values emphasized community solidarity and discouraged what may be referred to as “rugged individualism.” Gikuyu learned that family and community welfare was paramount over their individual interests. Authority was vested in those individuals such as elders and prophets who were believed to know what was best for all people. Expressions of individuality and solitary life were not encouraged. Someone perceived to be outside the group might be accused of being a witch and could be killed by the elders. At the same time, considerable security and important meaning in life was provided in this Gikuyu system of social/spiritual culture. That was so because all human life was spiritual and communal. The landscape itself that made up the environment was composed of “sacred” places and objects. For example, the fig tree still has important symbolic significance harkening back to the period when Ngai sent Gikuyu forth to take up residence near Mt. Kenya. Many rituals were performed in the vicinity of a fig tree.

It is clear that the Gikuyu religious system provided a set of answers and solutions to problems of everyday life and misfortune. At the same time, successful experiences were also accounted for by emphasizing conformity to religious values. The ancestors as both kinsmen and spiritual entities are especially well positioned to give a strong sense of family values as reinforced by religious belief. They can be reincarnated in the form of names so that as long as there is a Gikuyu society, the ancestors will live on. The body itself was far less significant than the name or memory of a dead person. In fact, frequently bodies after death were simply discarded in the bush perhaps to be eaten by wild animals such as the hyena.

Today members of the outlawed, quasi-political/religious Mungiki sect are attempting to bring back traditional rituals. Their members claim they are a group of traditionalists interested in re-introducing and promoting traditional way of life among the Gikuyu ethnic group. They pray as they face Mount Kenya, which they believe to be the home of their god Ngai. The Mungiki have adopted the dreadlocks worn in the 1950s by members of the Mau Mau Movement.

RITES OF PASSAGE

The Gikuyu are well known for the emphasis that they placed on rituals, which occurred at the time of adolescence. Prior to the arrival of the Europeans, there was a custom known as Ngweko. Periodically, elders supervised, in a special location, occasions where young people would gather together and spend private time with each other for the purpose of getting to know members of the opposite sex. At this time, young people paired off according to mutual attraction and, for most couples, experimental lovemaking was practiced. Such love-making did not always result in sexual intercourse. Should a young girl become pregnant however, the boy responsible was held accountable and was expected, in time, to marry the girl that he had impregnated. The Gikuyu considered Ngweko to be a form of indigenous education in sexual knowledge. It is said that Ngweko (fondling), since it was associated with sexual reproduction, was considered by the society to be a sacred act of carrying out the orders of their God to reproduce. Many elder Gikuyu believe that the missionaries made a mistake when they labeled Ngweko as sinful. The schools that were established to educate the people in modern culture did not include anything about sexual education. Perhaps for this reason, since the co-educational boarding school became a common place where young people often experimented with their sexuality without any education, teenage pregnancies have become a major social problem in Kenya including the Gikuyu. It is important to note that in the Ngweko system, supervised sex was permitted but self-control for both boys and girls was emphasized.

Both boys and girls, prior to participating in Ngweko, undergo numerous rituals including operations on their genital organs. The purpose of these rituals is to enable young people to bond into groups and to develop a sense of peer group solidarity with those people with whom they have undergone painful experiences together. Clitoridectomy was, and to some extent still is, practiced by the Gikuyu and is the topic of much debate by Africans and others. A middle ground position appears to be emerging that grants the social significance of adolescent ritual while wanting to eliminate clitoridectomy even under hospital conditions where it still occurs. The boys continue to be circumcised, a practice widespread in Africa (unlike clitoridectomy) and commonly found in many other parts of the world as well. Supporters of initiation note that the Gikuyu recognize the equal significance of boys and girls by subjecting each to initiation ceremonies together.

The Gikuyu word for circumcision of either sex is irua. There are many dances and songs which take place during initiation ceremonies and these are called mambura (rituals or divine services). During initiation ceremonies, the Gikuyu history is publicly rehearsed so as to impart a sense of community solidarity. Each irua group is given its own special name according to events of the day, such as war or famine. Initiation ceremonies involve special foods, and the selection of a sponsor to impart knowledge and to supervise the young person. After several days of instruction, boys and girls are taken together to a compound for their circumcision. Numerous friends and relatives gather for singing and dancing throughout the night. A special feast is made for the parents of the children. The day before the operation, there is a ceremonial dance known as matuuro. The girl has her head shaved, but does not participate in a race undertaken by boys. The winner is thought to have been favored by Ngai (God). In another ceremony, boys and girls are organized into lines according to seniority. They take an oath never to reveal Gikuyu secrets to outsiders. Senior warriors then take boys and girls to a special place where they participate in more ceremonies involving being sprayed with medicines that are thought to enhance bravery and endurance. Songs sung on these occasions emphasize community solidarity and bravery.

The next day the physical operations occur. The girls are operated on by a woman considered to be an expert and the boys by a man also considered to be experienced in these matters. In the operation, the girls sit together on a cowhide rug. Female friends and relatives cluster around in a circle. Males are not permitted anywhere near this event. The girls are held by their sponsors and are doused with cold water to reduce pain. While the moruitha performs the clitoridectomy, each girl is expected to remain stoic so as not to be seen a coward by the onlookers. After the girl is covered with a new dress, applause and cheering burst forth from the onlookers. The girls retire to a special place for several days where their wounds heal. During this time, close relatives and friends bring special foods and treats for the girls. For several months, the girls do not do any work. Their parents now may wear brass earrings as a sign of their seniority. This symbolizes that their child has now been reborn, not as their child, but as a child of the whole community. Boys' circumcisions mirror that of girls' clitoridectomy ceremonies in most details.

The Gikuyu organized their experience of adolescence very differently from modern life in Kenya. While many elder Gikuyu people still maintain strong relationships with others with whom they were initiated, younger teens are not receiving community socialization comparable to their parental and grandparental generations. While mandatory painful initiation ceremonies may well be best thought of as a vestige of the past, many Kenyans lament what they perceive to be a rising tide of individualism and lack of peer group solidarity among the young. One of the most interesting challenges for young people in Kenya is to work out for themselves what is most appropriate for them to emphasize in choosing to combine old customs with modern ones. This issue is a prominent theme among Kenyan intellectuals and the mass media and is the subject of stories, plays, and other programs on Kenyan radio and television.

INTERPERSONAL RELATIONS

Social relations in contemporary Gikuyu society are played out primarily in the context of the local community, school, and church. Dating, courtship, friendship, and family life are significant concerns around which people construct their social lives. There is more evidence today for individual choice in these matters than in the past where very strong principles of age stratification and gender distinction dominated social life.

In the past, boys were organized into sets consisting of groupings of local boys initiating at one time. These sets were grouped into larger groupings, called regiments, made up of boys from elsewhere and from one's local area that had been initiated at the same time. Boys in a common set or regiment proceeded through life together and exercised authority over sets and regiments coming after them. Tribal political authority was vested in one of two older generations that were responsible for governmental decisions involving war and peace and daily conflict resolution. Every generation inherits the name of that generation to which the grandfather belongs. Th us, there is a constant alternating of two generational names, an older and younger. The principle of age determined whom a man or a woman might marry or have sexual relationships with. For instance, a man could have no sexual relations with a girl who was a member of his own set generation. They were considered to be initiation “brothers” and “sisters.” The men's regimental organization served as a police force. The older regiments basically interpreted tribal law and made significant decisions while the younger regiments enforced their decisions. Warrior regiments were active in defending communities from raids from neighboring societies or for carrying out raids elsewhere. Thus, the structure of Gikuyu age stratification provided a workable framework for the functioning of society around social needs for procreation, defense, and social regulation.

Within this framework, every Gikuyu knew precisely how best to relate to other people. Social relations such as dating, visiting, and greeting others properly were all prescribed by age (and gender) according to an ubiquitous principle of stratification.

LIVING CONDITIONS

The Gikuyu enjoy an abundant resource base arising from their vantage position in the central highlands of Kenya. Much of the region was, therefore, free of malarial mosquitoes and the tse tse and other flies as sources for human and animal disease. Gikuyuland was in the past, and many ways still is, a granary for the Gikuyu and their neighbors. The Gikuyu have experienced success in commercial farming and many other businesses that have been a significant source of revenue for those Gikuyu now in a position to own and maintain large estates and an affluent life-style. Still, many other Gikuyu reside in slums that have grown rapidly in urban areas, especially Nairobi. In this city, many of the thousands of street children, now homeless, come from Gikuyu towns where they have suffered from family dislocation and poverty due, in part, to the uneven income distribution in Kenya. The globalization of the world's economy has been particularly hard on poorer nations such as Kenya. Additionally, many Gikuyu, like some other Kenyans, have lost their sense of community responsibility so cherished in the past. This is a constant theme in the writing of Ngugi wa Thiong'o as well as other Kenyan writers.

In the past, all Gikuyu had sufficient access to food, housing, and other materials even though successful people had more than others. Gikuyu houses were round with wooden walls and grass thatched roofs. Neighbors generally helped in the construction of a home in exchange for beer and meat. Building materials were collected from local materials. Women were considered responsible for thatching, and a carefully thatched house was highly valued. Good thatching provided protection from the rains and the sun during the dry season. Homes were made according to plan with the man's home being much simpler than the woman's. A husband and wife typically lived in separate houses although the woman's house had spaces for her children and her sheep and goats. The better-built homes sometimes lasted for more than 10 years, but re-thatching was an annual event.

FAMILY LIFE

Marriage and family life revealed the Gikuyu preference for large families and big compounds. It was considered a religious obligation to have children in response to the command of God to multiply. Four children, two boys and two girls, was the ideal. Boys were desirable because they carried on the family name, which was passed on through the male line. Girls were desired to attract bride wealth in cows and goats which could be, in turn, used to obtain wives for their brothers, and later to have children for those families in which they married. When a girl married and bore children for her new family, she began a family journey that saw her become more powerful as she bore children affiliated to her husband's family. Her children stayed with her in her home separate from their father. Polygyny (one man and more than one wife at a time) was valued as a means to provide large families. Women, too, often preferred polygyny to monogamy (one man and one woman) and, not infrequently, assisted their husbands in finding younger wives. Elder wives had clear lines of authority over younger wives and supervised them in affairs of the compound. Given the importance of age stratification in Gikuyu social organization, it may be said, too, that a woman actually married into an age set as well as the extended family of her husband. When her husband entertained his age set friends, it was considered appropriate for them to sleep with his own wife. This was not considered adultery unlike clandestine affairs held in secrecy, a practice that was severely punished. Thus, in married life, one also sees the basic value of sharing and communalism so significant in all areas of Gikuyu life.

The marriage ceremonies were lengthy and involved stages of progression which first included the initial meeting of the aspiring son-in-law with his prospective parents-in-law. The girl's assent was needed at this meeting before events could proceed to later stages. These events included parental visits, exchanges of goods as bride price spread out over time, and eventual movement of the girl herself into the home of her husband. The marriage itself is finalized when, prior to her movement to her new family, the boy and his relatives come to the girl's house bearing numerous gifts all specifically earmarked for her relatives who were most responsible for her upbringing. The actual movement, not infrequently, took on a rather dramatic public capturing of the girl at some point when she was unaware. Girls arrived in their new homes quite willingly on the whole even though they might have been “captured” to get there. For a period of many weeks after establishing residence in her new compound, rituals and exchanges continued to occur to symbolize the girl's transitional stage between her old and new families. She was frequently visited by her girlfriends, and had her own special places in the compound where she could retire alone for private reflection.

Nowadays, marriage no longer involves all of the rituals and exchanges previously emphasized. Nevertheless, there is still bride wealth, significant involvement of parents in the choice of their children's spouses, and the very high value attached to having children. Marital ceremonies no longer involve Gikuyu religious beliefs which have given way to Christianity, both mainstream and independent churches, and Islam.

Gikuyu family identity is carried on through nomenclature. This is executed by naming the first boy after the father's father and the second after the mother's father. The same goes for the girls; the first is named after the father's mother and the second after the mother's mother. Following children are named after the brothers and sisters of the grandparents, starting with the oldest and working to the youngest. Along with the naming of the children was the belief that the deceased grandparent's spirit that the child was named after, would come in to the new child. This belief was lost with the increase in life-span because generally the grandparents are now still alive when the children are born.

CLOTHING

In the past, Gikuyu adults dressed in animal skins, especially sheep and goatskins. Skin tanning was a vital industry for which many men were renowned as specialists. Women's attire includes three pieces, an upper garment, a skirt, and an apron. Men wore a single garment covering the entire body. Young men preferred bare legs made possible by wearing short skirts, especially those made from a kid because of its smooth hairs. Elders wore more elaborate skins often made of fur and, sometimes, aprons worn in ceremonial dances. European clothing is now commonplace throughout Gikuyuland.

Although in rural areas women nowadays wear multi-colored cotton dresses and skirts and blouses, it is common to find girls wearing Western style trousers and even miniskirts. Men generally wear Western style trousers and shirts with jackets and ties for formal occasions. Casual and trendy clothes like jeans and T-shirts are common on weekends and holidays across the gender divide. Women who wish to emphasize an African look can be seen wearing long pieces of colorful cloth worn in skirt-like fashion wrapped around a shorter dress.

FOOD

Farm produce and meat were abundant in the past and presently provide Gikuyu with an excellent nutritional resource. Maize, made into a thick porridge called ugali, is the national dish of Kenya. Ugali is eaten with meat, stews, mandondo, njahe or traditional greens known as sukuma wiki. Ugali and irio are popular on a daily basis in Gikuyuland. Irio, a specifically Gikuyu dish, is a mixture of the kernels from cooked green corn boiled with beans, potatoes, and chopped greens. In the past, the Gikuyu had a regular and intense ceremonial calendar involving considerable feasting. Boiled and roasted meat were constantly being consumed along with beer on these occasions. In the past, the brewing of beer was a cooperative activity between men and women. Beer was made from sugar cane, maize, and millet. Gourds were used to contain the strained juices for fermenting.

Today, bottled beverages have generally replaced traditional beer on daily and social occasions. Distilleries in Kenya provide an assortment of beer and soft drinks. Eating meat is a mainstay today on all ceremonial occasions. A major form of recreation, especially on Sundays, is visiting special places for nyama choma (roast meat). Goat meat is the most popular choice although it is more expensive than beef. Chicken, as in the past, is also a regular treat. Bottled beverages and meat are integral parts of the nyama choma recreational event. Although the traditional ceremonial calendar is largely a thing of the past, Gikuyu maintain an intensely social existence involving regular attendance at funerals and weddings. These events would be unthinkable without an abundant supply of meat and bottled beverages.

EDUCATION

Traditionally, Children were imparted knowledge through a socialization process that began very early in the life cycle. Infants were sung lullabies emphasizing tribal values and, as the child grew, he listened intensely to tales, riddles, and proverbs, which had moral messages. Even after the coming of formal schools in the colonial era, a special time was set aside for the telling of folktales to test students' memories and knowledge. In the past, boys, prior to initiation, played games that emphasized leadership roles and involved bows and arrows, spears, and slings to instill skills in marksmanship. Little girls cooked imaginary dishes and played at making pots and grinding grains. Dolls were also made with local clay and grass. As children matured, boys were trained by their adult male relatives, and girls by their mothers, grandmothers, and older sisters. For example, boys were taught how to differentiate large herds of cattle or goats by their color, size, and horn texture. Fathers and grandfathers also taught youngsters boundaries of their land, clearing techniques for land prior to farming, and extensive information about the family genealogy. In a society where kinship operated as a principle for the exchange of food and labor, family genealogy was as crucial to know as knowledge about plants and animals. Mothers taught girls knowledge of crops, soils, weather and other significant details of food production.

Today, the traditional informal educational system has been, by and large, replaced by formal education. In Kenya, including Gikuyuland, there has been an attempt to make formal education more sensitive to traditional values and knowledge than was the case during the pre-independence colonial era. One of the disadvantages of emphasizing only knowledge relevant for life in the modern world, such as literacy and world geography, is that, for example, elder women who were the “teachers” no longer teach knowledge about wild plants potentially edible during famine as it was in the past. Sex education is no longer taught as in the past. Reaching a reasonable balance between the old and the new in the current school curriculum is a constant challenge faced by Gikuyu educators. The idea that education is closely linked to the community still persists. Harambee (“let's pull together”) primary and secondary schools are constantly being built throughout Gikuyuland and elsewhere in Kenya. Nevertheless, young people now have excellent opportunities for schooling even though it is too costly for many families. Money is raised for these schools by individual donations, but those wishing to show solidarity with the community often give it publicly at feasts. The illiteracy rate in Kenya is approaching 50%, but it is lower in Gikuyuland.

CULTURAL HERITAGE

Music and dance, along with storytelling, were all emphasized in the past. Dancing by men and women was mandatory at initiation ceremonies, weddings, and other public events. People of all ages enjoyed dancing. There were three basic kinds of musical instruments in the past: drums, flutes, and rattles. The last were used for private pleasure while drums and flutes were significant at dances. Song was woven into the fabric of everyday life. There were songs for babies; songs sung by girls while threshing millet and by boys while practicing archery; songs sung by families and community members during weddings and funerals; songs sung by community members and initiates during initiation ceremonies; songs concerning everyday problems of life and love that were sung around the campfire; songs for drinking; songs that concerned cultural heroes both past and present; and songs sung in praise of ancestors and the high god, Ngai. In brief, Gikuyu life was unthinkable without the joy of singing, dancing, and musical expression, participated in by all members of the community.

Much remains of the older patterns of musical and dance appreciation. Although the traditional instruments and dance steps are now rarely seen, attendance at school dances and nightclubs is a major form of recreation by old and young alike. Gikuyu songs composed to meet everyday challenges can still be heard on the radio. Storytelling is now supplemented by a very impressive written literature. This printed material includes children's literature where tribal stories and tales are made available to youngsters. One such book entitled Nyumba ya Mumbi graphically illustrates the Gikuyu creation myth. Novelists, journalists, poets, and other writers are numerous in Kenya including many from Gikuyuland. Perhaps the most famous of these writers is Ngugi wa Th iong'o, whose many stories, plays, and novels have catalogued the Gikuyu struggle for national identity throughout the 20th century. His work includes material about the land and freedom movement, the impact of Europeanization on traditional Kenya society, and increasingly the alienation experienced by many Kenyans as the traditional ethic of communalism gives way to modern forms of excessive capitalism and greed. Ngugi wa Th iong'o has written world famous literature in both English and Gikuyu. Some of his work is performed in theater in rural areas in Gikuyuland.

WORK

There was, in the past, a very strong division of labor by gender. Nevertheless, men and women worked together as well as separately in tasks that complemented each other. Gikuyu parents raise boys and girls very differently. The girls are raised to work in farming and the boys usually work with the animals. The girls also have the responsibility of taking care of a baby brother or sister and also helping the mother out with household chores.

Each woman had her own plots of land where she cultivated the crops such as sweet potatoes, millet, maize, and beans. A woman cultivated her land and had the freedom to do as she pleased with its produce beyond providing food for her children and husband. Men were responsible for heavy labor such as clearing the land and cutting down trees. Household tasks for women involved maintaining her own granary and supervising the feeding of sheep, goats, and cows that were kept at the homestead. A polygamous husband had his own hut apart from his wives where he ate with friends or his children and was served food by his wives. On a daily basis, women, together with their children, collected firewood, water, and produce from the garden. There was also a division of labor by gender concerning industries. Some men were ironsmiths, manufacturing for the community such things as knives, arrowheads, bracelets, axes, hammers, spears, and other utilitarian tools. Only women were potters. Pottery provided for household needs and, for the better potters, was the source of marketing exchanges to obtain foods and material objects. There is a well-known proverb that characterizes the best potters who may be in a good position for valued exchanges as “the good potter cooks with broken pots.” Women also excelled in making baskets, and men tended to specialize in skin tanning.

The informal educational system of the Gikuyu involved children and young people learning economic tasks from adults and specialists through direct observation and often apprenticeship. Work-related education frequently involved storytelling that highlighted environmental factors such as crops, weather, and ecology. Elder women sometimes told these stories as a form of entertainment. In one story entitled “Ngiciri and Madam,” a man wants to get married to a girl who is being pursued by many other men. To help him, he enlists the assistance of birds to which he gives millet. Doves are given sorghum so as to enlist their aid in his competitive strategies to get the girl. They help him pass a test given to him by the girl's family. In this test, he must demonstrate his knowledge by separating into piles millet, sorghum, maize, and castor oil seeds that have been mixed together. His other test requires that he eat an entire bull in one night to show his power. Because he knows not only what seeds birds enjoy, but that hyenas like cattle bones, his friend, the hyena, helps him secretly to consume the bull just as the birds had helped him separate the seeds into separate piles. The hero of this story wins because he knows his environment and understands that animals and humankind have fates that are intertwined.

The Gikuyu remain intensely agricultural and devoted to their land. Cash crops are now significant, but still the traditional division of agricultural labor is very much in place. Modernization of the economy has made social and class differences more evident than in the past. Though they are traditionally agricultural people and have a reputation as industrious people, many Gikuyus are now involved in business. Most Gikuyu still live on small family plots but many of them have also seen the opportunities in business and have moved to cities and different areas to work. They have a desire for knowledge and they believe that all children should receive a full education. Gikuyu have a strong reputation for money management and it is common for them to have many enterprises at one time. The majority of those in hawking businesses in urban centers in Kenya are the Gikuyu.

Since they also practice animal husbandry, the Gikuyu use the hides from the cattle to make bedding, sandals, and carrying straps and they raise the goats and sheep to use for religious sacrifices and purification

Through formal education and accumulation of private capital, many Gikuyu are now very wealthy and enjoy affluent lifestyles. Professional occupations, as well as employment in factories and other working class jobs, now differentiate the Gikuyu into social categories based upon income. Nevertheless, among most Gikuyu, there is still a strong sense of ethnic solidarity and heritage in cultural values. In Kenya's multi-party democratic system, for example, Gikuyu of various economic classes primarily belong to one of two political parties, both of which are overwhelmingly Gikuyu in membership.

SPORTS

Sports are popular throughout Gikuyuland where schools sponsor competitive games for boys and girls. Spectators enjoy soccer (football) and track and field events. One can see people of all ages playing a board game known as bao in which players attempt to capture the seeds of their opponents. The game involves a wooden board containing holes in which seeds are placed. A player seeks to capture his opponent's seeds using a complex strategy whereby his opponent's seeds end up on his side of the board. This indigenous African game of strategy known as bao in KiSwahili is widespread in Africa and is now played elsewhere in the world. In the past, the Gikuyu boys enjoyed games such as wrestling, weightlifting, and club throwing. There were district mock fights pitting young boys from each area against their counterparts from elsewhere. Wrestling produced stars who were widely praised throughout the country. Girls played hide and seek and jumping games while still young, but became increasingly more involved with household responsibilities and marriage as they approached mid-teen age.

ENTERTAINMENT AND RECREATION

The Bomas of Kenya is a prominent, national dance troupe in which Gikuyu dances are prominently featured. Schools have regular dance and singing competitions where traditional art forms are preserved.

Gikuyu, like other Kenyans, enjoy watching television, listening to the radio, and going to movie theatres. Radio and television regularly feature content derived from Gikuyu tradition. As mentioned above, there are radio stations and internet communication that offer a wide range of entertainment in Gikuyu genre. Such entertainment includes comedies, folk music and oral narratives to name a few. The radio stations that broadcast their entertainment content exclusively in Gikuyu language include: Inooro FM, Kameme FM, and Coro FM among others. There are books and magazines published in Gikuyu language e.g Matigari, by Wa Th ion'go. There are also comedies, music, and movies produced in Gikuyu and available in tape, video, and Internet formats.

Traditionally, Gikuyu would also attend dances as a form of entertainment. There were dances for men alone, women alone, and men and women together.

FOLK ARTS, CRAFTS, AND HOBBIES

Traditional industries and crafts have been largely replaced by tourist and commercial markets. The most notable persistence is in basket making, which is in the hands of women. The Gikuyu keondo (basket) is now popular in Europe and America where it is a widely used handbag or bookbag used by students. The keondo is a knitted basket made in various shapes, colors and sizes. These baskets are knitted from strings gathered from shrubs and sometimes have Gikuyu geometric designs. The folk arts promoted basketry and the manufacture of clay figurines. The figurines are made from local materials such as clay, discarded wire, and grass. Manufactured objects depict solitary or communal daily life such as children playing, elders in various kinds of clothing, people dancing, bicycling, singing, and so on. Adornment, hairstyles, and clothing are featured on figurines to describe various mixtures of the old and new stylistic preferences.

SOCIAL PROBLEMS

Perhaps the primary social problem of the Gikuyu is how best to manage their comparative success in the context of Kenyan commerce and politics. The political opposition sometimes focuses on the Gikuyu, aiming at offsetting their numerical and commercial power. The Gikuyu have expanded into regions outside of their central highlands homeland. Many Gikuyu, therefore, are now wealthy immigrants, as it were, who are often seen by local groups elsewhere in Kenya as interlopers and landgrabbers. Hence, the Gikuyu have Gikuyuphobia as a major challenge to contend within the modern Kenya. As mentioned previously, members of the Gikuyu in the diaspora bore most of the brunt of post-election violence in 2007–2008, and in politically-instigated clashes in 2002, 1997, and 1992.

Management of current social problems in Kenya, such as alcoholism and HIV, sometimes poses difficult challenges for Gikuyu families. On alcoholism, it is noteworthy that prior to the arrival of the Europeans, distilling was unknown. In the past, traditional beers and wines were made by fermentation only. Such drinks were not likely to produce alcoholism and often had nutritional value. Today, consumption of distilled beverages is common, and driving of automobiles on poorly maintained roads has contributed to what is among the highest rate of accidental death due to driving anywhere in the world.

The issue of land ownership is still a thorn in the flesh for most members of the Gikuyu. They have to reckon with displacement in the diaspora due to political violence and tribal hatred. Most of the land in the Gikuyu ancestral area is in the hands of the few, leaving many others to live as squatters.

There is also the security issue posed by the Mungiki sect (see section one, Introduction). The activities of the sect involving groups of suspicious looking youths, many donning dread-locks, assaulting women, taking unusual oaths, and engaging in strange prayers and ritual beheadings among other practices have led to violent confrontations with authorities. In the wake of such a confrontation, many youth have been killed, arrested, or have been forced to flee their homes and villages.

GENDER ISSUES

Through the process of socialization within the family, in educational institutions and other social spheres, boys and girls are conditioned to behave in certain ways and to play different roles in society. They are encouraged to conform to established cultural norms through a reward-punishment system.

The role and status of women in Gikuyu society is changing for the better compared to many other Kenyan or African societies. There is a tendency towards a matrilineal system of family among the Gikuyu. Clearly, the Gikuyu were originally a matriarchal society. This could be traced back to the Gikuyu leadership, folk literature, and the Gikuyu nomenclature systems among others. It was rare in traditional Africa to have women as rulers in society.

Gikuyu folklore acknowledges women's leadership in their history. A notable legendary figure is Wangu wa Makeri, a woman famous for her cruelty. She would literally sit on men at public functions, which caused Gikuyu men to plot her overthrow. According to folklore, the men conspired to impregnate all Gikuyu women on one night. The resulting pregnancies would incapacitate the women, allowing the men to assume power easily.

Gikuyu clans are named to honor the legendary nine daughters of Mumbi, reflecting the importance of women's influence in Gikuyu history.

Indeed, in Gikuyu nomenclature, it is possible to find a son of a single mother bearing the maiden name of his mother as his surname. This underlines the significance that the Gikuyu society attaches to the mother.

Among the Gikuyu, in the case of divorce or separation, children typically stay with their mother, and not their father, as would be expected in most patriarchal societies.

Modern Gikuyu women in the 21st century are not restricted to the functions of wife, mother, and farm worker. Many Gikuyu families secure formal education for their girls starting from the kindergarten through post-high school. Th us, women in Gikuyuland have been able to compete successfully with men in the workforce. Modren Gikuyu women have found careers in politics, law, religion, and healthcare, spheres traditionally dominated by men.

Although in many subsistence economies women work on the farm and are intricately connected with their land, they do not have ownership over the land they work. Traditionally among the Gikuyu, if a man had more than one wife, he was responsible for clearing bushes to create a farm plot for each wife. Each wife's plot was close to her own hut, away from the other co-wives. The woman's younger son would inherit this plot after his mother's death. They usually allowed an unmarried daughter to have a plot of her own on which she could build a house. It is significant that daughters could hope to have the right to land ownership.

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—revised by M. Njoroge